1 Robert G. Olson, "Death," in Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ed. P. Edwards (New York: Macmillan, 1967), 2:307-9, gives a short and lucid introduction to the knowledge of death and of the fear of death. Herman Feifel, ed., The Meaning of Death (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1959), gave a major impetus to the psychological research on death in the U.S. Robert Fulton, ed., Death and Identity (New York: Wiley, 1965), is an outstanding anthology of short contributions which together reflect the stage of English-language research in 1965. Paul Landsberg, Essai sur l'expérience de la mart, suivi de Problème moral de suicide (Paris: Seuil, 1951), is a classic analysis. José Echeverria, Réflexions métaphysiques sur la mart et le problème du sujet (Paris: J. Vrin, 1957), is a lucid attempt at a phenomenology of death. Christian von Ferber, "Soziologische Aspekte des Todes: Ein Versuch über einige Beziehungen der Soziologie zur philosophischen Anthropologie," Zeitschrift für evangelische Ethnik 7 (1963): 338-60. A strong argument to render death again a serious public problem. The author believes that death repressed, rendered private and a matter for professionals only, reinforces the exploitative class structure of society. A very important article. See also Vladimir Jankelevitch, La mort (Paris: Flammarion, 1966), and Edgar Morin, L'Homme et la mart (Paris-Seuil, 1970).

   2 For the study of the antique death-image in our general context, the following are useful: Fielding H. Garrison, "The Grfeek Cult of the Dead and the Chthonian Deities in Ancient Medicine," Annals of Medical History 1 (1917): 35-53. Alice Walton, The Cult of Asklepios, Cornell Studies in Classical Philology no. 3 (1894; reprint ed., New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1965). Ernst Benz, Das Todesproblem in der stoischen Philosophic (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1929), XI, Tübinger Beiträge zur Altertumswiss. 7. Ludwig Wachter, Der Tod im alien Testament (Stuttgart: Calwer, 1967). Jocelyn Mary Catherine Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World (London: Thames & Hudson, 1971). K. Sauer, Untersuchungen zur Darstellung des Todes in der griechisch-römischen Geschichtsschreibung (Frankfurt, 1930). J. Kroll, "Tod und Teufel in der Antike," Verhandlungm der Versammlung deutscher Philologen 56 (1926). Hugo Blummer, "Die Schilderang des Sterbens in der griechischen Dichtkunst," Neue Jahrbücher des klassischen Altertums, 1917, pp. 499-512.

   3 This chapter leans heavily on the masterful essays by Philippe Aries: "Le Culte des morts à 1'époque moderne," Revue de I'Académie des Sciences morales et politiques, 1967, pp. 25-40; "La Mort inversée: Le Changement des attitudes devant la mort dans les sociétés occidentales," Archives europeennes de sociologie 8, no. 2 (1967); "La Vie et la mort chez les français d'aujourd'hui," Ethnopsychologie 27 (March 1972): 39-44; "La Mort et le mourant dans notre civilisation," Revue française de sociologie 14 (January-March 1973); "Les Techniques de la mort," in Histoire des populations françaises el de leurs attitudes devant la vie depuis le XVIIIe siècle (1948; Paris: Seuil, 1971), pp. 373-98. A synopsis in English: Philippe Aries, Western Attitudes Towards Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present, trans. Patricia Ranum (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1974; London: Marion Boyars, 1976). "La Mort inversee" appeared in a translation by Bernard Murchland as "Death Inside Out" in Hastings Center Studies 2 (May 1974): 3-18 (the bibliography is absent from the translation).

   4 In this chapter I am interested, above all, in the image of "natural death." I am using the term "natural death" because I find it widely used between the sixteenth and early twentieth centuries. I oppose it to "primitive death," which comes through the activities of some fey, eerie, supernatural, or divine agent, and to "contemporary death," which more often than not is conceived as a result of a social injustice, as the outcome of class struggle or of imperial domination. I am interested in the image of this natural death, and its evolution during the four centuries in which it was common in Western civilizations. I owe the idea of approaching my subject in this way to Werner Fuchs, Todesbilder in der modernen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1969). On my disagreement with the author, see note 54, p. 202 below.

   5 Thomas Ohm, Die Gebetsgebärden der Völker und das Christentum (Leiden: Brill, 1948), pp. 372 ff., especially pp. 389-90, collects evidence on dances held in cemeteries and the struggle of the church authorities against them. A medical history of Occidental religious choreomania: E. L. Backman, Religious Dances in the Christian Church and in Popular Medicine (Stockholm, 1948); trans. E. Classen (London: Alien & Unwin, 1952). A bibliography of the religious aspects of dancing: Emile Bertaud, "Danse religieuse," in Dictionnaire de spiritualité, fascicles 18-19, pp. 21-37. A. Schimmel, "Tanz: I. Religiongeschichtlich," in Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Tübingen: 1962), 6:612-14: For the history of dances in or around Christian churches, see L. Gougaud, "La Danse dans les églises," Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 15 (1914): 5-22, 229-45. J. Baloch, "Tänze in Kirche und Kirchhöfen," Niederdeutsche Zeitschrifi für Volkskunde, 1928. H. Spanke, "Tanzmusik in der Kirche des Mittelalters," Neuphilosophische Mitteilungen 31 (1930). Germanic precedents to Christian cemetery dances: Richard Wolfram, Schwerttanz und Männerbund (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1937); only partly in print. Werner Danckert, "Totengräber," in Unehrliche Leute: Die verfehmten Berufe (Bern: Francke, 1963), pp. 50-6.

   6 Johan Huizinga, "The Vision of Death," in The Waning of the Middle Ages: A Study of the Forms of Life, Art, and Thought in France and the Netherlands in the XlVth and XVth Centuries (New York: St. Martin, 1924), chap. 11, pp. 124-35.

  7 Gerhart B. Ladner, The Idea of Reform: Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1959). Consult p. 163 for the two currents within the Church about the relation of death to nature since the fourth century. For Pelagius death was not a punishment for sin, and Adam would have died even had he not sinned. In this he differs from Augustine's doctrine that Adam had been given immortality as a special gift from God, and even more from those Greek Church Fathers according to whom Adam had a spiritual, or "resurrectional," body before he transgressed.

   8 So far the deceased had appeared ageless on his funeral monument. He now appears as a decaying corpse. Kathleen Cohen, Metamorphosis of a Death Symbol: The Transi-Tomb in the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1973). Gruesome tombs meant to teach the living appear first in the last years of the 14th century. J. P. Hornung, Ein Beitrag zur Ikonographie des Todes, dissertation, Univ. of Freiburg, 1902. The encounter between the living and the dead takes on importance in a new literary genre: Stefan Glixelli, Les Cinq Poèmes des trois marts et des trois mfs (Paris: H. Champion, 1914); J. S. Egilsrud, Le Dialogue des marts dans les littératures française, allemande et anglaise (Paris: L'Entente linotypiste, 1934); Kaulfuss-Diesch, "Totengespräche," in Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturgeschichte, 3:379 ff.; and finds a new visual expression: Karl Kunstle, Die Legende der drei Lebenden und der drei Toten (Freiburg: Herder, 1908); Willy Rotzler, Die Begegnung der drei Lebenden und der drei Toten: Ein Beitrag zur Forschung über mittelalterliche Verganglichkeitsdarstellung (Wintertur: Keller, 1961); Pierre Michault, Pas de la mart, ed. Jules Petit (Société des Bibliophiles de Belgique, 1869); Albert Freybe, Das memento mori in deutscher Sitte, bildlicher Darstellung und Volksglauben, deutsche Sprache, Dichtung und Seelsorge (Gotha: Perthes, 1909). The fact that around 1500 death assumes strong skeletal features and a new autonomy does not mean that it had not always borne anthropomorphic features, if not in art, then in legend and poetry. Paul Geiger, "Tod: 4. Der Tod als Person," in Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1927-42), 8:976-85.

   9 The one great book on the mirror in painting is G. F. Hartlaub, Zauber des Spiegels: Geschichte und Bedeutung des Spiegels in der Kunst (Munich: Piper, 1951). Chap. 7, sec. iii, "Spiegel der Vanitas," deals particularly with the mirror as reminder of transitoriness. See also G. F. Hartlaub, "Die Spiegel-bilder des Giovanni Bellini," Pantheon 15 (November 1942): 235-41. The interpretation of Bellini's use of the mirror to depict the intensity of the new awareness of the ambiguity of human anatomy. Henrich Schwarz, "The Mirror in Art," Art Quarterly 15 (1952): 96-118. Specifically on "vanity."

   10 Wolfgang Stammler, Frau Welt: Eine mittelalterliche Allegoric, Freiburger Universitatsreden, 1959. The "world" depicted as a female figure in medieval art—half angel, half demon—represents the power of this-worldly goods, the beauty of nature, but also the decay of all that is human.

   11 For a bibliography on attitudes towards death among primitive people, see Edgar Herzog, Psyche and Death: Archaic Myths and Modem Dreams in Analytical Psychology (New York: Putnam, 1967). Primitive death is always conceived of as the result of intervention by an agent. For the purposes of my argument, the nature of this agent is unimportant. Though dated, Robert Hertz, "Contribution a une étude sur la représentation collective de la mort," L'Année sociologique 10 (1905-1906): 48-137, remains the best repository for older literature on this point. Complement with E. S. Hartland et al., "Death and the Disposal of the Dead," in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (1925-32), 4:411-511. Rosalind Moss, The Life After Death in Oceania and the Malay Archipelago (1925; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1972), shows that the burial forms tend to influence beliefs about the cause of death and the nature of the afterlife. Hans Kelsen, "Seele und Recht," in Aufsätze zur Ideologiekritik (Neuwied/Berlin: Luchterhand, 1964), suggests that the universal fear of murderous ancestors underpins social control. Consult also the following works by James George Frazer: Man, God and Immortality (London: MacMillan, 1927); The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead, vol. 1, The Belief Among the Aborigines of Australia, the Torres Straits Islands, New Guinea and Melanesia (1911; reprint ed., New York: Barnes & Noble, 1968); The Fear of the Dead in Primitive Religion (New York: Biblo & Tannen, 1933). Also Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1966), especially pp. 30-3, 237-52. Sigmund Freud, Totem and Taboo (New York: Norton, 1952).

   12 Robert Bossuat, Manuel bibliographique de la littérature française du moyen âge (Melun: Librairie d'Argences, 1951), "Danse macabre," nos. 3577-80, 7013.

   13 For the evolution of the Jederman motif see H. Lindner, Hugo van Hqffinannstahls "Jederman" und seine Vorgänger, dissertation, Univ. of Leipzig, 1928.

   14 Alberto Tenenti, // senso delta morte e I'amore nella vita del Rinascimento (Turin: Einaudi, 1957). Alberto Tenenti, La Vie et la mart è travers l'art du XVe siècle (Paris: Colin, 1962).

   15 Hans Holbein the Younger, The Dance of Death: A Complete Facsimile of the Original 1538 Edition of Les Simulachres et histoiresfaces de la mort (New York: Dover, 1971).

   16 Walter Rehm, Der Todesgedanke in der deutschen Dichtung vom Mittelalter bis zur Romantik (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1967), gives evidence of a major change in the image of death in literature around the year 1400 and then again around 1520. See also Edelgard Dubruck, The Theme of Death in French Poetry of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1965), and L. P. Kurtz, The Dance of Death and the Macabre Spirit in European Literature (New York: Institute of French Studies, 1934). For the new death image of the rising middle classes of the late Middle Ages see Erna Hirsch, Tod und Jenseits im Spämittelalter: Zugleich tin Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Búrgertums, dissertation, Univ. of Marburg (Berlin, 1927). Specifically on the Dance of Death: Hellmut Rosenfeld, Der mittelalterliche Totentanz: Entstehung, Entwicklung, Bedeutung (Münster Koln: Bohlau, 1954), illustrated. Hellmut Rosenfeld, "Der Totentanz in Deutschland, Frankreich und Italien," Littérature Modeme 5 (1954): 62-80. Rosenfeld is the best introduction to the research and gives a detailed up-to-date bibliography. For older literature complement with H. F. Massman, Literatur der Totentänze (Leipzig: Weipel, 1840). See also Gert Buchheit, Der Totentänz, seine Entstehung und Entwicklung (Berlin: Horen, 1928), Wolfgang Stammler, Die Totentänze des Mittelalters (Munich: Stobbe, 1922), and James M. Clark, The Dance of Death in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Glasgow: Jackson, 1950). Stephen P. Kosaky's three volumes: Geschichte der Totentänze, vol. ). Lieferung: Anfänge der Darstellungen des Vergänglichkeitsproblems; vol. 2, Lieferung: Danse macabre Einleitung: Die Todes-didaktik der Vortotentanzzeit; vol. 3, Lieferung: Der Totentanz van heute, Bibliotheca Humanitatis Historica, vols. 1, 5, and 7 (Budapest: Magyar Torteniti Muzeum, 1936-44), contains a mine of information, quotations from ancient texts, and nearly 700 pictures (greatly reduced and badly reproduced) of the Dance of Death up to World War II. J. Saugnieux, L'Iconographie de la mort chez les graveurs françalis du XVe siècle (1974), and Danses macabres de France et d'Espagne et leurs prolongements littéraires, fasc. 30, Bibliothèque de la Faculté des Lettres de Lyon (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1972). Dietrich Briesenmeister, Bilder des Todes (Unterscheidheim: W. Elf, 1970): reproductions are very clear and are organized according to different themes. Consult the standard iconographies on Western Christian art: Karl Kunstle, Ikonographie der christlicher Kunst, 2 vols. (Freiburg: Herder, 1926-28); Emile Male, L'Art religieux a la fin du moyen âge en France: Étude sur I'iconographie du moyen âge et sur ses sources d'inspiration (Paris: Colin, 1908), vol. 1, chap. 2, "La Mort," p. 346 (see also the three other volumes on religious art in France). Compare Eastern iconography (Mount Athos): Dionysios of Fourna, Manuel d'iconographie chrétienne, grècque et latine, with introduction and notes by A. N. Didron, trans. by P. Durand from a Byzantine manuscript (1845; reprint ed., New York: B. Franklin, 1963). T. S. R. Boase, Death in the Middle Ages: Mortality, Judgement and Remembrance (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1972).

   17 See Helmuth Plessner, "On the Relation of Time to Death," in Joseph Campbell, ed., Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks, vol. 3, Man and Time, Bollingen Series XXX (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1957), pp. 233-63, especially p. 255. On the impact of time on the French death-image, see Richard Glasser, Time in French Life and Thought, trans. C. G. Pearson (Manchester: University Press, 1972), in particular p. 158 and chap. 3, "The Concept of Time in the Later Middle Ages," pp. 70-132. On the growing impact of time consciousness on the sense of finitude and death, see Alois Hahn, Einstellungen zum Tod und ihre soziale Bedingtheit: Eine soziologische Untersuchung (Stuttgart: Enke, 1968), especially pp. 21-84. Joost A. M. Keerloo, "The Time Sense in Psychiatry," in J. T. Eraser, ed., The Voices of Time (New York: Braziller, 1966), pp. 235-52, Siegfried Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture: The Growth of a New Tradition, 4th ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Unv. Press, 1962).

   18Jurgis Baltrusaitis, Le Moyen Age fantastic/tie: Antiquités et exotisme dans I'art gothique (Paris: Colin, 1955).

   19 Martin Luther, interpretation of Psalm 90, WA 40/III: 485 ff.

   20 The response to "natural" death was a profound transformation of behavior at the hour of death. For contemporary literature, see Mary Catherine O'Connor, The Art of Dying Well: The Development of the Ars Morimdi (New York: AMS Press, 1966). L. Klein, Die Bereitung zwn Sterben: Studim zu den evangelischen Sterbebüchem des 16. Jahrhunderts, dissertation, Univ. of Göttingen, 1958. For customs see Placidus Berger, "Religiöser Brauchtum im Umkreis der Sterbelitur-gie in Deutschland," Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaft und Religionswissenschqft 5 (1948): 108-248. See also Manfred Bambeck, "Tod und Unsterblichkeit: Studien zum Lebensgefühl der französischen Renaissance nach dern Werke Ronsarde," ms. dissertation, Univ. of Frankfurt, 1954. Hildegard Reifschneider, "Die Vorstellung des Todes und des Jenseits in der geistlichen Literatur des XII Jh.," ms. dissertation, Univ. of Tübingen, 1948. Eberhard Klass, Die Schilderung des Sterbens im mittelhochedeutscken Epos: Ein Beitrag zur mittelhochdeutschen Stilgeschichte, dissertation, Univ. of Greifswald, 1931.

   21 Gustav Kunstler, "Das Bildnis Rudolf des Stifters, Herzogs von Österreich, und seine Funktion," excerpt from Mitteilungen der Osterreichischen Galerie 1972 (Vienna: Kunsthistoriches Museum, 1972), about the very first such portrait.

   22 G. and M. Vovelle, "La Mort et 1'au-delà en Provence d'après les autels des âmes du purgatoire: XVe-XXe siècles," Cahiers des Annales 29 (1970): 1602-34. Howard R. Patch, The Other World According to Descriptions in Medieval Literature (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1950).

   23 For the "judgment" in the history of religions, see Sources Orientales, Le Jugement des morts (Paris: Seuil, 1962); Leopold Kretzenbacher, Die Seelenwaage: Zur religiösen Idee vom Jenseitsgericht aufder Schicksalwaage in Hochreligion, Bildkunst und Volksglaube (Klagenfurt: Landesmuseums fur Karten, 1958).

   24 Merlin H. Forster, ed., La muerte en la poesía mexicana: Prológo y selectión de Merlin Forster (Mexico: Editorial Diogenes, 1970). Emir Rodriguez Monegal, "Death as a Key to Mexican Reality in the Works of Octavio Paz," mimeographed, Yale Univ., n.d. (about 1973).

   25 In rural areas these customs live on: Arnold van Gennep, Manuel de folklore français contemporain, vol. 1, Du berceau à la tombe (Paris: Picard, 1943-46). Lenz Kriss-Rettenbeck, "Tod und Heilserwartung," in Bilder und Zeichen religtosen Volksglaubms (Munich: Callwey, 1963), pp. 49-56. See articles by Paul Geiger, on "Sterbegaläute," "Sterben," "Sterbender," "Sterbekerze," "Tod," "Tod ansagen," "Tote (der)," "Totenbahre," in Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1936-37), vol. 8. Albert Freybe, Das alte deutsche Leichmmahl in seiner Art und Entartung (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1909), pp. 5-86.

   26 For an introduction to the function of the Catholic priest at the deathbed, see C. Ruch, "Extrême onction," in Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique (1939), 5, pt. 2:1927-85. Henri Rondet, "Extrême onction," in Dictionnaire de Sfriritualité (1960), 4:2189-2200.

   27 Magnus Schmid, "Zum Phänomen der Leiblichkeit in der Antike darges-tellt an der 'Facies Hippocratica,' " Sudhoffs Archiv, suppl. 7, 1966, pp. 168-77. Karl Sudhoff, "Eine kleine deutsche Todesprognostik," Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 5 (1911): 240, and "Abermal eine deutsche Lebens- und Todesprognostic," ibid., 6 (1911): 231.

   28 Joshua O. Leibowitz, "A Responsum of Maimonides Concerning the Termination of Life," Koroth (Jerusalem) 5 (September 1963): 1-2.

   29 Paracelsus, Selected Writings, trans. Norbert Guterman, Bollingen Series XXVIII (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1969).

   30 Heinrich Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte (Berlin: Von Duncker & Hum-bolt, 1961), 1:254 ff. Paul Fischer, Strafm und sichemde Massnahmen gegen Tote im germanischen und deutschen Recht (Düsseldorf: Nolte, 1936). H. Fehr, "Tod und Teufel im alten Recht," Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte 67 (1950): 50-75. Paul Geiger, "Leiche," in Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1932-33), vol. 5. Karl König, "Die Behandlung der Toten in Frankreich im späteren Mittelalter und zu Beginn der Neuzeit (1350-1550)," ms. dissertation, Univ. of Leipzig, 1921. Hans von Hentig, Der nekrotrope Mensch: Vom Totenglauben zur morbiden Totennähe (Stuttgart: Enke, 1964). Paul-J. Doll, "Les Droits de la science après la mort," Diogène, no. 75, July-September 1971, pp. 124-42.

   31 The contrast appears clearly when Loren C. MacKinney, Medical Illustrations in Medieval Manuscripts (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1965), is compared with Millard Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death: The Arts, Religion and Society in the Mid-Fourteenth Century (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1951). Art, liberated from the need to represent dogma, now shows the human figure, its actions, and even the dead things which surround it as intimately interwoven in the representation of the fleeting moment (Vergänglichkeit).

   32 Maurice Bariety and Charles Coury, "La Dissection," in Histoire de la médecine (Paris: Fayard, 1963), pp. 409-11.

   33 Hermann Bauer, Der Himmel in Rokoko: Das Fresko im deutschen Kirchmraum in 18. Jahrhundert (Munich: Pustet, 1965).

   34 Reflection of death in 17th and 18th century literature: Richard Sexau, Der Tod in deutschen Drama des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts: Van Griphius bis zum Sturm und Drang (Bern: Francke, 1906). Friedrich-Wilhelm Eggebert, Das Problem des Todes in der deutschen Lyrik des 17. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1931). W. M. Thompson, Der Tod in der englische Lyrik des 17. Jahrhunderts (Breslau: Priebatsch, 1935).

   35 Ariès, "La mort inversée": "In the late Middle Ages (in opposition to the first Middle Ages, the age of Roland, which lives on in the peasants of Tolstoy) and the Renaissance, a man insisted upon participating in his own death because he saw in it an exceptional moment—a moment which gave his individuality its definitive form. He was only the master of his life to the extent that he was the master of his death. His death belonged to him, and to him alone. From the 17th century onward, one began to abdicate sole sovereignty over life, as well as over death. These matters came to be shared with the family which had previously been excluded from the serious decisions; all decisions had been made by the dying person, alone and with full knowledge of his impending death."

   36 Michel de Montaigne, Essays, bk. 1, chap. 57.

   37 G. Peignot, Choix de testaments anciens et modemes, remarquables par leur importance, leur singularité ou leur bizarrerie, 2 vols. (Paris: Renouard, 1829). Michel Vovelle, Mourir autrefois: Attitudes collectives (Levant la mort aux XVlle et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Archives Gallimard-Julliard, 1974), and Piété baroque et déchristianisation en Provence au XVIIIe siècle: Les Attitudes devant la mort d'après les clauses des testaments (Paris: Plon, 1974). Frederick Pollock and Frederic W. Maitiand, "The Last Will," in The History of the English Law Before the Time of Edward I (Cambridge: University Press, 1968), vol. 1, chap. 6, pp. 314-56.

   38 Ariès, "Les Techniques de la mort."

   39 Philippe Ariès, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life (New York: Knopf, 1962), chap. 2.

   40 Killing the aged was a widespread custom until recent times. John Koty, Die Behandlung der Alien and Kranken bet den Naturvölkem (Stuttgart: Hirschfeld, 1934). Will-Eich Peuckert, "Altentötung," in Handwörterbuch der Sage: Namens des Verbandes der Vereine für Volkskunde (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1961). J. Wisse, Selbstmord und Todesfurcht bei den Naturvölkem (Zutphen: Thieme, 1933). Infanticide remained important enough to influence population trends until the 9th century. Emily R. Coleman, "L'lnfanticide dans le haut moyen âge," trans. A. Chamoux, Annales Économies, Sociétiés, Civilisations, 1974, no. 2, pp. 315-35.

   41 Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Death in the History of Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 42 (1968): 19-23. Death remained a marginal problem in medical literature from the old Greeks until Giovanni Maria Lancisi (1654-1720) during the first decade of the eighteenth century. Then quite suddenly the "signs of death" acquired extraordinary importance. Apparent death became a major evil feared by the Enlightenment. Margot Augener, "Scheintod als medizinisches Problem im 18. Jahrhundert," Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin, nos. 6 and 7, 1967. The same philosophers who were the minority which positively denied the survival of a soul also developed a secularized fear of hell which might threaten them if they were buried while only apparently dead. Philanthropists fighting for those in danger of apparent death founded societies dedicated to the succor of the drowning or burning, and tests were developed for making sure that they had died. Elizabeth Thomson, "The Role of the Physician in Human Societies of the 18th Century," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 37 (1963): 43-51. One of these tests consisted of blowing with a trumpet into the dead man's ear. The hysteria about apparent death disappeared with the French Revolution as suddenly as it had appeared at the dawn of the century. Doctors began to be concerned with reanimation a century before they were employed in the hope of prolonging the life of the old,

   42 Theodor W. Adorno, Minima Moralia: Refiexionm aus dan beschädigten Leben (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1970).

   43 E. Ebstein, "Die Lungenschwindsucht in der Weltliteratur," Zeitschrift für Bücherfreunde 5 (1913).

   44 Alfred Scott Warthin, "The Physician of the Dance of Death," Annals of Medical History (new series) 2 (July 1930): 350-71; 2 (September 1930): 453-69; 2 (November 1930): 697-710; 3 (January 1931): 75-109; 3 (March 1931): 134-65. Deals exclusively with the physician in the Dance of Death. Werner Block, Der Arzt and der Tod in Bildem aus seeks Jahrhunderten (Stuttgart: Enke, 1966), studies the doctor's encounter with death in and outside a formal dance.

   45 See above, note 130, p. 77.

   46 Richard H. Shryock, The Development of Modem Medicine: An Interpretation of the Social and Scientific Factors Involved, 2nd ed. (New York: Knopf, 1947).

   47 Hildegard Steingiesser, Was die Ärzte alter Zeiten vom Sterben wussten, Arbeiten der deutsch-nordischen Gesellschaft für Geschichte der Medizin, der Zahnheil-kunde und der Naturwissenschaften (Greifewald: Univ. Verlag Ratsbuch-handlung L. Bamberg, 1936).

   48 Bernard Ronze, "L'Antitragique ou Phomme qui perd sa mort," Etudes, November 1974, pp. 511-28, argues that the endeavor to program death is an attempt to sap the human capacity for hope and anguish, for solitude and transcendence.

   49 Siegfried Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command: A Contribution to Anonymous History (New York: Norton, 1969), On mechanization and death, see pp. 209-40.

   50 Alfred Adler, "Bin Beitrag zur Psychologie der Berufswahl," in Alfred Weber and Carl Furtmüller, eds., Heilen und Bilden (Frankfurt: Fischer, 1973).

   51 See especially Block, Der Arzt und der Tod; Warthin, "The Physician of the Dance of Death"; Briesenmeister, Bilder des Todes.

   52 I have selected these examples from among hundreds of reproductions collected by Valentina Borremans in Cuernavaca, all representing the traits and gestures of anthropomorphic death.

   53 For a bibliography on death in contemporary society consult above, notes 186 (p. 97), 188 (p. 97), 191 (p. 98), 207 (p. 102), 209 (p. 103). Also John McKnight, "A Bibliography of 225 Items of Suggested Readings for a Course on Death in Modern Society in a Theological Perspective," mimeographed, 1973, lists contemporary Christian writings on death in an industrial society. John Riley, Jr., and Robert W. Habenstein, "Death: 1. Death and Bereavement; 2. The Social Organization of Death," in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillan, 1968), 4: 19-28. Joel J. Vernick, Selected Bibliography on Death and Dying, U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Public Health Service, National Institutes of Health, 1971. Complements Kalish and Kutscher.

   54Werner Fuchs, Todesbilder in der modernen Gesellschaft, denies that death is repressed in modern society. Geoffrey Gorer, Death, Grief and Mourning (New York: Doubleday, 1965): Gorer's thesis that death has taken the place of sex as the principal taboo seems to Fuchs unfounded and misleading. The thesis of death repression is usually promoted by people of profoundly anti-industrial persuasions for the purpose of demonstrating the ultimate powerlessness of the industrial enterprise in the face of death. Talk about death repression is used with insistence to construct apologies in favor of God and the afterlife. The fact that people have to die is taken as proof that they will never autonomously control reality. Fuchs interprets all theories that deny the quality of death as relics of a primitive past. He considers as scientific only those corresponding to his idea of a modern social structure. His image of contemporary death is a result of his study of the language used in German obituaries. He believes that what is called the "repression" of death is due to a lack of effective acceptance of the increasingly general belief in death as an unquestionable and final end.

   55 The irrational approach of a society in dealing with death is reflected in its inability to deal with apocalypse. Klaus Koch, Ratios vor der Apokalyptik (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1970).

   56 Bronislav Malinowski, "Death and the Reintegration of the Group," in Magic, Science and Religion (New York: Doubleday, 1949), pp. 47-53.

   57 Eric J. Cassel, "Dying in a Technical Society," Hastings Center Studies 2 (May 1974): 31-36: "There has been a shift of death from within the moral order to the technical order. . . . I do not believe that men were inherently more moral in the past when the moral order predominated over the technical."

   58 Edgar Morin, L'Homme el la mort (Paris: Seuil, 1970), develops the argument.

   59 Dora Ocampo, "Cuando la tristeza se mezcla con la alegría," manuscript, Mexico, November 1974.

   60 Industrialized humanity needs therapy from crib to terminal ward. A new kind of terminal therapy is suggested by Elisabeth Kubler-Ross in On Death and Dying (New York: Macmillan, 1969). She maintains that the dying pass through several typical stages and that appropriate treatment can ease this process for well-managed "morituri." Paul Ramsey, "The Indignity of 'Death with Dignity,' " Hastings Center Studies 2 (May 1974): 47-62. There is a growing agreement among moralists in the early 1970s that death has again to be accepted and all that can be done for the dying is to keep them company in their final moments. But beneath this accord there is an increasingly mundane, naturalistic, and antihumanistic interpretation of human life. Robert S. Morison, "The Last Poem: The Dignity of the Inevitable and Necessary: Commentary on Paul Ramsey," Hastings Center Studies 2 (May 1974): 62-6. Morison criticizes Ramsey, who suggests that anyone unable to speak as a Christian ethicist must do so as some "hypothetical common denominator."

   61 David Lester, "Voodoo Death: Some New Thoughts on an Old Phenomenon," American Anthropologist 74 (June 1972): 386-90.

   62 Pierre Delooz, "Who Believes in the Hereafter?" in André Godin, ed., Death and Presence (Brussels: Lumen Vitae Press, 1972), pp. 17-38, shows that contemporary French public speakers have effectively separated belief in God from belief in the hereafter. Paul Danblon and Andre Godin, "How Do People Speak of Death?" in Godin, ibid., pp. 39-62. Danblon studied interviews with 60 French-speaking public figures. The cross-denominational analogies in their expressions, feelings, and attitudes towards death are much stronger than their

   differences due to varying religious beliefs or practices. Joseph F. Fletcher, "Antidysthanasia: The Problem of Prolonging Death," Journal of Pastoral Care 18 (1964): 77-84, argues against the irresponsible prolongation of life from the point of view of a hospital chaplain: "I would myself agree with Pius XII and with at least two Archbishops of Canterbury, Lang and Fisher, who have addressed themselves to this question, that the doctor's technical knowledge and his 'educated guesses' and experience should be the basis for deciding the question as to whether there is any 'reasonable hope.' That determination is outside a layman's competence. . . . But having determined that the condition is hopeless, I cannot agree that it is either prudent or fair to physicians as a fraternity to saddle them with the onus of alone deciding whether to let the patient go." The thesis is common. It shows how even churches support professional judgment. This practical convergence of Christian and medical practice is in stark opposition to the attitude towards death in Christian theology. Ladislaus Boros, Myslerium mortis: Der Mensch in der letzen Entscheidung (Freiburg: Walter, 1962); Karl Rahner, Zur Theolagie des Todes (Freiburg: Herder, 1963).

   63 Daniel Maguire, "The Freedom to Die," Commonweal, August 11, 1972, pp. 423-8. By working creatively and in ways as yet unthought of, the lobby of the dying and the gravely ill could become a healing force in society. Jonas B. Robitscher, "The Right To Die: Do We Have a Right Not To Be Treated?" Hastings Center Studies 2 (September 1972): 11-44.

   64 Orville Brim, et al., eds., The Dying Patient (New York: Russell Sage, 1960). They deal first with the spectrum of technical analysis and decision-making in which health professionals engage when faced with the task of determining the circumstances under which an individual's death should occur. They provide a series of recommendations for making this engineered process "somewhat less graceless and less distasteful for the patient, his faniily and most of all, the attending personnel." In this anthology the macabre turns into a new kind of professionally conducted obscenity. See also David Sudnow, "Dying in a Public Hospital," in ibid., pp. 191-208.

   65 David Sudnow, in his study of the social organization, reports: "A nurse was observed spending two or three minutes trying to close the eyelids of a woman patient. The nurse explained that the woman was dying. She was trying to get the lids to remain in a closed position. After several unsuccessful attempts, the nurse got them shut and said, with a sigh of accomplishment, 'Now they're right.' When questioned about what she was doing, she said that a patient's eyes must be closed after death, so that the body will resemble a sleeping person. It was more difficult to accomplish this, she explained, after the muscles and skin had begun to stiffen. She always tried, she said, to close them before death. This made for greater efficiency when it came time for ward personnel to wrap the body. It was a matter of consideration towards those workers who preferred to handle dead bodies as little as possible" (ibid., pp. 192-3).

   66 Brillat-Savarin, "Méditation XXVI, de la mort," in Physiologic du gout. Brillat-Savarin attended his 93-year-old great-aunt when she was dying. "She had kept all her faculties and one would not have noticed her state but for her smaller appetite and her feeble voice. 'Are you there, nephew?'  'Yes aunt, I am at your service and I think it would be a good idea if you had some of this lovely old wine.'  'Give it to me, my friend, liquids always go down.' I made her swallow half a glass of my best wine. She perked up immediately and turning her once beautiful eyes towards me, she said, 'Thank you for this last favor. If you ever get to my age you will see that death becomes as necessary as sleep.' These were her last words and half an hour later she was asleep forever."